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not essentially

  • 1 essentially

    essentially [ɪ'senʃəlɪ]
    (fundamentally) essentiellement, fondamentalement; (mainly) essentiellement, principalement;
    it's essentially a question of taste c'est avant tout une question de goût;
    he was not essentially a bad man au fond, ce n'était pas quelqu'un de mauvais;
    essentially, nothing has changed pour l'essentiel, rien n'a changé

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > essentially

  • 2 essentially

    adverb
    * * *
    adverb (basically: She is an essentially selfish person.) im wesentlichen
    * * *
    es·sen·tial·ly
    [ɪˈsen(t)ʃəli]
    adv inv
    1. (basically) im Grunde [genommen] [o Prinzip] [o Wesentlichen]
    to be \essentially correct im Großen und Ganzen richtig sein
    2. (mainly) hauptsächlich, in erster Linie
    \essentially I need to know... ich muss vor allem wissen,...
    * * *
    [I'senSəlI]
    adv
    (= fundamentally) im Wesentlichen; (= basically, at heart) im Grunde genommen

    essentially, they are saying that... — im Wesentlichen sagen sie, dass...

    * * *
    essentially [-ʃəlı] adv
    1. im Wesentlichen, in der Hauptsache
    2. im Grunde
    3. not essentially nicht unbedingt
    * * *
    adverb
    * * *
    adv.
    essentiell adv.
    essenziell adv. n.
    wesentlich adv.

    English-german dictionary > essentially

  • 3 essentially

    adverb (basically: She is an essentially selfish person.) i alt vesentlig, innerst inne
    adv. \/ɪˈsenʃ(ə)lɪ\/, \/eˈsenʃ(ə)lɪ\/
    1) i all vesentlighet, i sitt innerste vesen, i hovedsak, i grunnen, i bunn og grunn
    essentially he is right, but...
    i bunn og grunn har han rett, men...
    2) vesentlig, i høy grad
    3) egentlig, i virkeligheten, nødvendigvis
    must I do it tonight? Not essentially

    English-Norwegian dictionary > essentially

  • 4 Codex Gissensis (The New Testament translation essentially based on a Byzantine text, exceedingly literal and not homogeneous)

    Религия: "Кодекс Гиссенсис"

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > Codex Gissensis (The New Testament translation essentially based on a Byzantine text, exceedingly literal and not homogeneous)

  • 5 Computers

       The brain has been compared to a digital computer because the neuron, like a switch or valve, either does or does not complete a circuit. But at that point the similarity ends. The switch in the digital computer is constant in its effect, and its effect is large in proportion to the total output of the machine. The effect produced by the neuron varies with its recovery from [the] refractory phase and with its metabolic state. The number of neurons involved in any action runs into millions so that the influence of any one is negligible.... Any cell in the system can be dispensed with.... The brain is an analogical machine, not digital. Analysis of the integrative activities will probably have to be in statistical terms. (Lashley, quoted in Beach, Hebb, Morgan & Nissen, 1960, p. 539)
       It is essential to realize that a computer is not a mere "number cruncher," or supercalculating arithmetic machine, although this is how computers are commonly regarded by people having no familiarity with artificial intelligence. Computers do not crunch numbers; they manipulate symbols.... Digital computers originally developed with mathematical problems in mind, are in fact general purpose symbol manipulating machines....
       The terms "computer" and "computation" are themselves unfortunate, in view of their misleading arithmetical connotations. The definition of artificial intelligence previously cited-"the study of intelligence as computation"-does not imply that intelligence is really counting. Intelligence may be defined as the ability creatively to manipulate symbols, or process information, given the requirements of the task in hand. (Boden, 1981, pp. 15, 16-17)
       The task is to get computers to explain things to themselves, to ask questions about their experiences so as to cause those explanations to be forthcoming, and to be creative in coming up with explanations that have not been previously available. (Schank, 1986, p. 19)
       In What Computers Can't Do, written in 1969 (2nd edition, 1972), the main objection to AI was the impossibility of using rules to select only those facts about the real world that were relevant in a given situation. The "Introduction" to the paperback edition of the book, published by Harper & Row in 1979, pointed out further that no one had the slightest idea how to represent the common sense understanding possessed even by a four-year-old. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 102)
       A popular myth says that the invention of the computer diminishes our sense of ourselves, because it shows that rational thought is not special to human beings, but can be carried on by a mere machine. It is a short stop from there to the conclusion that intelligence is mechanical, which many people find to be an affront to all that is most precious and singular about their humanness.
       In fact, the computer, early in its career, was not an instrument of the philistines, but a humanizing influence. It helped to revive an idea that had fallen into disrepute: the idea that the mind is real, that it has an inner structure and a complex organization, and can be understood in scientific terms. For some three decades, until the 1940s, American psychology had lain in the grip of the ice age of behaviorism, which was antimental through and through. During these years, extreme behaviorists banished the study of thought from their agenda. Mind and consciousness, thinking, imagining, planning, solving problems, were dismissed as worthless for anything except speculation. Only the external aspects of behavior, the surface manifestations, were grist for the scientist's mill, because only they could be observed and measured....
       It is one of the surprising gifts of the computer in the history of ideas that it played a part in giving back to psychology what it had lost, which was nothing less than the mind itself. In particular, there was a revival of interest in how the mind represents the world internally to itself, by means of knowledge structures such as ideas, symbols, images, and inner narratives, all of which had been consigned to the realm of mysticism. (Campbell, 1989, p. 10)
       [Our artifacts] only have meaning because we give it to them; their intentionality, like that of smoke signals and writing, is essentially borrowed, hence derivative. To put it bluntly: computers themselves don't mean anything by their tokens (any more than books do)-they only mean what we say they do. Genuine understanding, on the other hand, is intentional "in its own right" and not derivatively from something else. (Haugeland, 1981a, pp. 32-33)
       he debate over the possibility of computer thought will never be won or lost; it will simply cease to be of interest, like the previous debate over man as a clockwork mechanism. (Bolter, 1984, p. 190)
       t takes us a long time to emotionally digest a new idea. The computer is too big a step, and too recently made, for us to quickly recover our balance and gauge its potential. It's an enormous accelerator, perhaps the greatest one since the plow, twelve thousand years ago. As an intelligence amplifier, it speeds up everything-including itself-and it continually improves because its heart is information or, more plainly, ideas. We can no more calculate its consequences than Babbage could have foreseen antibiotics, the Pill, or space stations.
       Further, the effects of those ideas are rapidly compounding, because a computer design is itself just a set of ideas. As we get better at manipulating ideas by building ever better computers, we get better at building even better computers-it's an ever-escalating upward spiral. The early nineteenth century, when the computer's story began, is already so far back that it may as well be the Stone Age. (Rawlins, 1997, p. 19)
       According to weak AI, the principle value of the computer in the study of the mind is that it gives us a very powerful tool. For example, it enables us to formulate and test hypotheses in a more rigorous and precise fashion than before. But according to strong AI the computer is not merely a tool in the study of the mind; rather the appropriately programmed computer really is a mind in the sense that computers given the right programs can be literally said to understand and have other cognitive states. And according to strong AI, because the programmed computer has cognitive states, the programs are not mere tools that enable us to test psychological explanations; rather, the programs are themselves the explanations. (Searle, 1981b, p. 353)
       What makes people smarter than machines? They certainly are not quicker or more precise. Yet people are far better at perceiving objects in natural scenes and noting their relations, at understanding language and retrieving contextually appropriate information from memory, at making plans and carrying out contextually appropriate actions, and at a wide range of other natural cognitive tasks. People are also far better at learning to do these things more accurately and fluently through processing experience.
       What is the basis for these differences? One answer, perhaps the classic one we might expect from artificial intelligence, is "software." If we only had the right computer program, the argument goes, we might be able to capture the fluidity and adaptability of human information processing. Certainly this answer is partially correct. There have been great breakthroughs in our understanding of cognition as a result of the development of expressive high-level computer languages and powerful algorithms. However, we do not think that software is the whole story.
       In our view, people are smarter than today's computers because the brain employs a basic computational architecture that is more suited to deal with a central aspect of the natural information processing tasks that people are so good at.... hese tasks generally require the simultaneous consideration of many pieces of information or constraints. Each constraint may be imperfectly specified and ambiguous, yet each can play a potentially decisive role in determining the outcome of processing. (McClelland, Rumelhart & Hinton, 1986, pp. 3-4)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Computers

  • 6 Science

       It is a common notion, or at least it is implied in many common modes of speech, that the thoughts, feelings, and actions of sentient beings are not a subject of science.... This notion seems to involve some confusion of ideas, which it is necessary to begin by clearing up. Any facts are fitted, in themselves, to be a subject of science, which follow one another according to constant laws; although those laws may not have been discovered, nor even to be discoverable by our existing resources. (Mill, 1900, B. VI, Chap. 3, Sec. 1)
       One class of natural philosophers has always a tendency to combine the phenomena and to discover their analogies; another class, on the contrary, employs all its efforts in showing the disparities of things. Both tendencies are necessary for the perfection of science, the one for its progress, the other for its correctness. The philosophers of the first of these classes are guided by the sense of unity throughout nature; the philosophers of the second have their minds more directed towards the certainty of our knowledge. The one are absorbed in search of principles, and neglect often the peculiarities, and not seldom the strictness of demonstration; the other consider the science only as the investigation of facts, but in their laudable zeal they often lose sight of the harmony of the whole, which is the character of truth. Those who look for the stamp of divinity on every thing around them, consider the opposite pursuits as ignoble and even as irreligious; while those who are engaged in the search after truth, look upon the other as unphilosophical enthusiasts, and perhaps as phantastical contemners of truth.... This conflict of opinions keeps science alive, and promotes it by an oscillatory progress. (Oersted, 1920, p. 352)
       Most of the fundamental ideas of science are essentially simple, and may, as a rule, be expressed in a language comprehensible to everyone. (Einstein & Infeld, 1938, p. 27)
       A new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows up that is familiar with it. (Planck, 1949, pp. 33-34)
       [Original quotation: "Eine neue wissenschaftliche Wahrheit pflegt sich nicht in der Weise durchzusetzen, dass ihre Gegner ueberzeugt werden und sich as belehrt erklaeren, sondern vielmehr dadurch, dass die Gegner allmaehlich aussterben und dass die heranwachsende Generation von vornherein mit der Wahrheit vertraut gemacht ist." (Planck, 1990, p. 15)]
       I had always looked upon the search for the absolute as the noblest and most worth while task of science. (Planck, 1949, p. 46)
       If you cannot-in the long run-tell everyone what you have been doing, your doing has been worthless. (SchroЁdinger, 1951, pp. 7-8)
       Even for the physicist the description in plain language will be a criterion of the degree of understanding that has been reached. (Heisenberg, 1958, p. 168)
       The old scientific ideal of episteґmeґ-of absolutely certain, demonstrable knowledge-has proved to be an idol. The demand for scientific objectivity makes it inevitable that every scientific statement must remain tentative forever. It may indeed be corroborated, but every corroboration is relative to other statements which, again, are tentative. Only in our subjective experiences of conviction, in our subjective faith, can we be "absolutely certain." (Popper, 1959, p. 280)
       The layman, taught to revere scientists for their absolute respect for the observed facts, and for the judiciously detached and purely provisional manner in which they hold scientific theories (always ready to abandon a theory at the sight of any contradictory evidence) might well have thought that, at Miller's announcement of this overwhelming evidence of a "positive effect" [indicating that the speed of light is not independent from the motion of the observer, as Einstein's theory of relativity demands] in his presidential address to the American Physical Society on December 29th, 1925, his audience would have instantly abandoned the theory of relativity. Or, at the very least, that scientists-wont to look down from the pinnacle of their intellectual humility upon the rest of dogmatic mankind-might suspend judgment in this matter until Miller's results could be accounted for without impairing the theory of relativity. But no: by that time they had so well closed their minds to any suggestion which threatened the new rationality achieved by Einstein's world-picture, that it was almost impossible for them to think again in different terms. Little attention was paid to the experiments, the evidence being set aside in the hope that it would one day turn out to be wrong. (Polanyi, 1958, pp. 12-13)
       The practice of normal science depends on the ability, acquired from examplars, to group objects and situations into similarity sets which are primitive in the sense that the grouping is done without an answer to the question, "Similar with respect to what?" (Kuhn, 1970, p. 200)
       Science in general... does not consist in collecting what we already know and arranging it in this or that kind of pattern. It consists in fastening upon something we do not know, and trying to discover it. (Collingwood, 1972, p. 9)
       Scientific fields emerge as the concerns of scientists congeal around various phenomena. Sciences are not defined, they are recognized. (Newell, 1973a, p. 1)
       This is often the way it is in physics-our mistake is not that we take our theories too seriously, but that we do not take them seriously enough. I do not think it is possible really to understand the successes of science without understanding how hard it is-how easy it is to be led astray, how difficult it is to know at any time what is the next thing to be done. (Weinberg, 1977, p. 49)
       Science is wonderful at destroying metaphysical answers, but incapable of providing substitute ones. Science takes away foundations without providing a replacement. Whether we want to be there or not, science has put us in a position of having to live without foundations. It was shocking when Nietzsche said this, but today it is commonplace; our historical position-and no end to it is in sight-is that of having to philosophize without "foundations." (Putnam, 1987, p. 29)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Science

  • 7 arc fault

    1. "дуговая" неисправность

     

    "дуговая" неисправность
    Неисправность, приводящая к возникновению дуги.
    [Интент]

    Параллельные тексты EN-RU

    An arc fault occurs when there is a reduction in the dielectric strength of the insulating means (air, in LV switchboards) interposed between two or more conducting elements at different potential.

    The arc is generated at the moment when, due to the high ionization of the air, there is a breakdown of the dielectric of the medium and the consequent flow of the current through it.

    In an arc fault the highest stresses are of thermal type and proportional to RaI2 owing to the high value taken by the arc resistance Ra; this because the fault current flows in a medium which is always insulating, even if extremely ionized.

    Such stresses manifest themselves essentially in the form of:
    • high thermal gradients caused by the quick and intense rise in the air temperature;
    • high pressure gradients in the form of pressure wave;
    • high ionization of the air with consequent reduction of its insulating strength.

    Generally speaking, in a LV assembly designed and tested according to the Standard IEC 60439-1 an arc fault is not very likely to occur; however, should it occur, the consequences would be extremely harmful to both the equipment as well as the personnel (see Chapters 2.2 and 2.3).

    The causes of an arc fault can be both technical as well as non technical; among the latter the most frequent are the following:
    • personnel errors, above all during maintenance operations;
    • installation operations not sufficiently accurate;
    • inadequate maintenance, above all in the case of severe environmental conditions.

    Among the technical causes of an arc fault in a LV assembly the following ones are to be remembered:
    • breakdown of the insulation essentially in the proximity of the supports of the busbars and of the plug-in contacts of the withdrawable units (75% of cases);
    • overvoltages generating disruptive discharges between the points at minimum clearances (15% of cases);
    • constructional defects of the apparatus (10% of cases).

    [ABB]

    К «дуговой» неисправности, относится неисправность, обусловленная уменьшением электрической прочности изолирующей среды (воздуха в НКУ) между двумя или более токоведущими частями, находящимися под разными электрическими потенциалами.

    Дуга образуется в тот момент, когда вследствие высокой ионизации воздуха происходит пробой изолирующей среды, вследствие чего через нее начинает протекать электрический ток.

    Проявлением дуговой неисправности, является тепловое воздействие, пропорциональное RaI2 и достигающее большого значения вследствие большого сопротивления дуги Ra.
    Дело в том, что ток дуги протекает через среду, которая всегда является изолирующей, пусть даже и чрезвычайно ионизированной.

    Указанные воздействия очевидны сами по себе особенно в форме:
    • теплового градиента температуры, вызванного быстрым и интенсивным подъемом температуры воздуха;
    • высоким градиентом давления в форме волны давления;
    • высокой ионизацией воздуха с последующим уменьшением электрической прочности.

    Вообще говоря, в НКУ, разработанных и испытанных в соответствии с требованиями стандарта МЭК 60439-1 «дуговая» неисправность маловероятна. Однако, если дуга все таки возникнет, ее последствия буду чрезвычайно тяжелыми как для оборудования, так и для персонала (см. п. 2.2 и 2.3).

    Причина дуговой неисправности может носить как технический, так и нетехнический характер. Среди последних наиболее часто возникают следующие:
    • ошибки персонала, совершаемые главным образом во время технического обслуживания;
    • недостаточно аккуратное выполнение монтажа;
    • ненадлежащее техническое обслуживание, главным образом при эксплуатации НКУ в тяжелых условиях окружающей среды.

    Среди технических причин дуговой неисправности в НКУ необходимо помнить о следующих:
    • пробой изоляции, особенно вблизи опор шин и втычных контактов выдвижных частей НКУ (75 % случаев);
    • перенапряжения, вызываемые разрушительными электрическими разрядами между точками с минимальными зазорами (15 % случаев);
    • конструктивные дефекты аппаратуры (10 % случаев).

    [Перевод Интент]

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    Англо-русский словарь нормативно-технической терминологии > arc fault

  • 8 Language

       Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)
       It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)
       It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)
       Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)
       It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)
       [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]
       Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it
       Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another
       LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)
       We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)
       We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.
       The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)
       9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language
       The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)
       It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)
       In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)
       In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)
       [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)
       he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.
       The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)
       The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.
       But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)
       The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)
        t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)
       A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)
       Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)
       It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)
       First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....
       Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)
       If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)
        23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction
       Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)
       By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)
       Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language

  • 9 Knowledge

       It is indeed an opinion strangely prevailing amongst men, that houses, mountains, rivers, and, in a word, all sensible objects, have an existence, natural or real, distinct from their being perceived by the understanding. But, with how great an assurance and acquiescence soever this principle may be entertained in the world, yet whoever shall find in his heart to call it into question may, if I mistake not, perceive it to involve a manifest contradiction. For, what are the forementioned objects but things we perceive by sense? and what do we perceive besides our own ideas or sensations? and is it not plainly repugnant that any one of these, or any combination of them, should exist unperceived? (Berkeley, 1996, Pt. I, No. 4, p. 25)
       It seems to me that the only objects of the abstract sciences or of demonstration are quantity and number, and that all attempts to extend this more perfect species of knowledge beyond these bounds are mere sophistry and illusion. As the component parts of quantity and number are entirely similar, their relations become intricate and involved; and nothing can be more curious, as well as useful, than to trace, by a variety of mediums, their equality or inequality, through their different appearances.
       But as all other ideas are clearly distinct and different from each other, we can never advance farther, by our utmost scrutiny, than to observe this diversity, and, by an obvious reflection, pronounce one thing not to be another. Or if there be any difficulty in these decisions, it proceeds entirely from the undeterminate meaning of words, which is corrected by juster definitions. That the square of the hypotenuse is equal to the squares of the other two sides cannot be known, let the terms be ever so exactly defined, without a train of reasoning and enquiry. But to convince us of this proposition, that where there is no property, there can be no injustice, it is only necessary to define the terms, and explain injustice to be a violation of property. This proposition is, indeed, nothing but a more imperfect definition. It is the same case with all those pretended syllogistical reasonings, which may be found in every other branch of learning, except the sciences of quantity and number; and these may safely, I think, be pronounced the only proper objects of knowledge and demonstration. (Hume, 1975, Sec. 12, Pt. 3, pp. 163-165)
       Our knowledge springs from two fundamental sources of the mind; the first is the capacity of receiving representations (the ability to receive impressions), the second is the power to know an object through these representations (spontaneity in the production of concepts).
       Through the first, an object is given to us; through the second, the object is thought in relation to that representation.... Intuition and concepts constitute, therefore, the elements of all our knowledge, so that neither concepts without intuition in some way corresponding to them, nor intuition without concepts, can yield knowledge. Both may be either pure or empirical.... Pure intuitions or pure concepts are possible only a priori; empirical intuitions and empirical concepts only a posteriori. If the receptivity of our mind, its power of receiving representations in so far as it is in any way affected, is to be called "sensibility," then the mind's power of producing representations from itself, the spontaneity of knowledge, should be called "understanding." Our nature is so constituted that our intuitions can never be other than sensible; that is, it contains only the mode in which we are affected by objects. The faculty, on the other hand, which enables us to think the object of sensible intuition is the understanding.... Without sensibility, no object would be given to us; without understanding, no object would be thought. Thoughts without content are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind. It is therefore just as necessary to make our concepts sensible, that is, to add the object to them in intuition, as to make our intuitions intelligible, that is to bring them under concepts. These two powers or capacities cannot exchange their functions. The understanding can intuit nothing, the senses can think nothing. Only through their union can knowledge arise. (Kant, 1933, Sec. 1, Pt. 2, B74-75 [p. 92])
       Metaphysics, as a natural disposition of Reason is real, but it is also, in itself, dialectical and deceptive.... Hence to attempt to draw our principles from it, and in their employment to follow this natural but none the less fallacious illusion can never produce science, but only an empty dialectical art, in which one school may indeed outdo the other, but none can ever attain a justifiable and lasting success. In order that, as a science, it may lay claim not merely to deceptive persuasion, but to insight and conviction, a Critique of Reason must exhibit in a complete system the whole stock of conceptions a priori, arranged according to their different sources-the Sensibility, the understanding, and the Reason; it must present a complete table of these conceptions, together with their analysis and all that can be deduced from them, but more especially the possibility of synthetic knowledge a priori by means of their deduction, the principles of its use, and finally, its boundaries....
       This much is certain: he who has once tried criticism will be sickened for ever of all the dogmatic trash he was compelled to content himself with before, because his Reason, requiring something, could find nothing better for its occupation. Criticism stands to the ordinary school metaphysics exactly in the same relation as chemistry to alchemy, or as astron omy to fortune-telling astrology. I guarantee that no one who has comprehended and thought out the conclusions of criticism, even in these Prolegomena, will ever return to the old sophistical pseudo-science. He will rather look forward with a kind of pleasure to a metaphysics, certainly now within his power, which requires no more preparatory discoveries, and which alone can procure for reason permanent satisfaction. (Kant, 1891, pp. 115-116)
       Knowledge is only real and can only be set forth fully in the form of science, in the form of system. Further, a so-called fundamental proposition or first principle of philosophy, even if it is true, it is yet none the less false, just because and in so far as it is merely a fundamental proposition, merely a first principle. It is for that reason easily refuted. The refutation consists in bringing out its defective character; and it is defective because it is merely the universal, merely a principle, the beginning. If the refutation is complete and thorough, it is derived and developed from the nature of the principle itself, and not accomplished by bringing in from elsewhere other counter-assurances and chance fancies. It would be strictly the development of the principle, and thus the completion of its deficiency, were it not that it misunderstands its own purport by taking account solely of the negative aspect of what it seeks to do, and is not conscious of the positive character of its process and result. The really positive working out of the beginning is at the same time just as much the very reverse: it is a negative attitude towards the principle we start from. Negative, that is to say, in its one-sided form, which consists in being primarily immediate, a mere purpose. It may therefore be regarded as a refutation of what constitutes the basis of the system; but more correctly it should be looked at as a demonstration that the basis or principle of the system is in point of fact merely its beginning. (Hegel, 1910, pp. 21-22)
       Knowledge, action, and evaluation are essentially connected. The primary and pervasive significance of knowledge lies in its guidance of action: knowing is for the sake of doing. And action, obviously, is rooted in evaluation. For a being which did not assign comparative values, deliberate action would be pointless; and for one which did not know, it would be impossible. Conversely, only an active being could have knowledge, and only such a being could assign values to anything beyond his own feelings. A creature which did not enter into the process of reality to alter in some part the future content of it, could apprehend a world only in the sense of intuitive or esthetic contemplation; and such contemplation would not possess the significance of knowledge but only that of enjoying and suffering. (Lewis, 1946, p. 1)
       "Evolutionary epistemology" is a branch of scholarship that applies the evolutionary perspective to an understanding of how knowledge develops. Knowledge always involves getting information. The most primitive way of acquiring it is through the sense of touch: amoebas and other simple organisms know what happens around them only if they can feel it with their "skins." The knowledge such an organism can have is strictly about what is in its immediate vicinity. After a huge jump in evolution, organisms learned to find out what was going on at a distance from them, without having to actually feel the environment. This jump involved the development of sense organs for processing information that was farther away. For a long time, the most important sources of knowledge were the nose, the eyes, and the ears. The next big advance occurred when organisms developed memory. Now information no longer needed to be present at all, and the animal could recall events and outcomes that happened in the past. Each one of these steps in the evolution of knowledge added important survival advantages to the species that was equipped to use it.
       Then, with the appearance in evolution of humans, an entirely new way of acquiring information developed. Up to this point, the processing of information was entirely intrasomatic.... But when speech appeared (and even more powerfully with the invention of writing), information processing became extrasomatic. After that point knowledge did not have to be stored in the genes, or in the memory traces of the brain; it could be passed on from one person to another through words, or it could be written down and stored on a permanent substance like stone, paper, or silicon chips-in any case, outside the fragile and impermanent nervous system. (Csikszentmihalyi, 1993, pp. 56-57)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Knowledge

  • 10 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

  • 11 Grammar

       I think that the failure to offer a precise account of the notion "grammar" is not just a superficial defect in linguistic theory that can be remedied by adding one more definition. It seems to me that until this notion is clarified, no part of linguistic theory can achieve anything like a satisfactory development.... I have been discussing a grammar of a particular language here as analogous to a particular scientific theory, dealing with its subject matter (the set of sentences of this language) much as embryology or physics deals with its subject matter. (Chomsky, 1964, p. 213)
       Obviously, every speaker of a language has mastered and internalized a generative grammar that expresses his knowledge of his language. This is not to say that he is aware of the rules of grammar or even that he can become aware of them, or that his statements about his intuitive knowledge of his language are necessarily accurate. (Chomsky, 1965, p. 8)
       Much effort has been devoted to showing that the class of possible transformations can be substantially reduced without loss of descriptive power through the discovery of quite general conditions that all such rules and the representations they operate on and form must meet.... [The] transformational rules, at least for a substantial core grammar, can be reduced to the single rule, "Move alpha" (that is, "move any category anywhere"). (Mehler, Walker & Garrett, 1982, p. 21)
       4) The Relationship of Transformational Grammar to Semantics and to Human Performance
       he implications of assuming a semantic memory for what we might call "generative psycholinguistics" are: that dichotomous judgments of semantic well-formedness versus anomaly are not essential or inherent to language performance; that the transformational component of a grammar is the part most relevant to performance models; that a generative grammar's role should be viewed as restricted to language production, whereas sentence understanding should be treated as a problem of extracting a cognitive representation of a text's message; that until some theoretical notion of cognitive representation is incorporated into linguistic conceptions, they are unlikely to provide either powerful language-processing programs or psychologically relevant theories.
       Although these implications conflict with the way others have viewed the relationship of transformational grammars to semantics and to human performance, they do not eliminate the importance of such grammars to psychologists, an importance stressed in, and indeed largely created by, the work of Chomsky. It is precisely because of a growing interdependence between such linguistic theory and psychological performance models that their relationship needs to be clarified. (Quillian, 1968, p. 260)
       here are some terminological distinctions that are crucial to explain, or else confusions can easily arise. In the formal study of grammar, a language is defined as a set of sentences, possibly infinite, where each sentence is a string of symbols or words. One can think of each sentence as having several representations linked together: one for its sound pattern, one for its meaning, one for the string of words constituting it, possibly others for other data structures such as the "surface structure" and "deep structure" that are held to mediate the mapping between sound and meaning. Because no finite system can store an infinite number of sentences, and because humans in particular are clearly not pullstring dolls that emit sentences from a finite stored list, one must explain human language abilities by imputing to them a grammar, which in the technical sense is a finite rule system, or programme, or circuit design, capable of generating and recognizing the sentences of a particular language. This "mental grammar" or "psychogrammar" is the neural system that allows us to speak and understand the possible word sequences of our native tongue. A grammar for a specific language is obviously acquired by a human during childhood, but there must be neural circuitry that actually carries out the acquisition process in the child, and this circuitry may be called the language faculty or language acquisition device. An important part of the language faculty is universal grammar, an implementation of a set of principles or constraints that govern the possible form of any human grammar. (Pinker, 1996, p. 263)
       A grammar of language L is essentially a theory of L. Any scientific theory is based on a finite number of observations, and it seeks to relate the observed phenomena and to predict new phenomena by constructing general laws in terms of hypothetical constructs.... Similarly a grammar of English is based on a finite corpus of utterances (observations), and it will contain certain grammatical rules (laws) stated in terms of the particular phonemes, phrases, etc., of English (hypothetical constructs). These rules express structural relations among the sentences of the corpus and the infinite number of sentences generated by the grammar beyond the corpus (predictions). (Chomsky, 1957, p. 49)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Grammar

  • 12 Views

       I am not really a man of science, not an observer, not an experimenter, and not a thinker. I am nothing but by temperament a conquistador-an adventurer,... with the curiosity, the boldness, and the tenacity that belong to that type of being. (Freud, quoted in E. Jones, 1961, p. 227)
       We must start by recognizing that there are two very different points of view which we can take toward human behavior, that neither of these points of view can be rejected, and that an adequate conceptualization of human behavior must have room for both. One point of view is that of theoretical sciences like physics. Whatever else we may want to say of persons, they surely are material organizations, and as such, the laws of physics, chemistry, etc. must apply to them.... So actions can... be viewed as physical phenomena whose explanation must be found in other physical phenomena in the brain and nervous system....
       A very different, but equally indispensable, point of view is that of the agent who is faced with choices, deliberates, makes decisions, and tries to act accordingly.... [H]uman beings can have a conception of what it is they want and what they should do in order to get what they want, and... their conceptions-the meaning which situations and behaviors have for them in virtue of the way they construe them-can make a difference to their actions....
       We cannot eliminate the notion that we are agents because it is central to our conception of what is to be a person who can engage in practical life. But I can also look at myself from a purely external point of view, as an object in nature, and that my behavior must then be seen as caused by other events in nature is central to our conception of physical science. (Mischel, 1976, pp. 145-146)
       There are things about the world and life and ourselves that cannot be adequately understood from a maximally objective standpoint, however much it may extend our understanding beyond the point from which we started. A great deal is essentially connected to a particular point of view, or type of point of view, and the attempt to give a complete account of the world in objective terms detached from these perspectives inevitably leads to false reductions or to outright denial that certain patently real phenomena exist at all. (T. Nagel, 1986, p. 7)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Views

  • 13 self-adjoint

    Большой англо-русский и русско-английский словарь > self-adjoint

  • 14 necessarily

    1. adv преим. с отрицанием обязательно, непременно
    2. adv неизбежно

    it must necessarily follow that … — из этого неизбежно следует, что …

    Синонимический ряд:
    1. indispensably (adj.) certainly; fundamentally; indispensably; inescapably; inevitably; inexorably; unavoidably; undeniably; vitally
    2. essentially (other) essentially; imperatively; indispensably; necessitously
    3. inevitably (other) certainly; ineluctably; inescapably; inevitably; unavoidably

    English-Russian base dictionary > necessarily

  • 15 materially

    adverb (to a great or important extent: Circumstances have changed materially.) sensiblemente, considerablemente
    tr[mə'tɪərɪəlɪ]
    1 (physically) materialmente
    2 (essentially) esencialmente, en esencia
    3 (noticeably) sensiblemente; (significantly) considerablemente
    adv.
    materialmente adv.
    [mǝ'tɪǝrɪǝlɪ]
    ADV
    1) (=physically) materialmente
    2) (=importantly) sustancialmente, sensiblemente

    they are not materially different — no hay grandes diferencias entre ellos, no hay diferencias sustanciales or fundamentales entre ellos

    English-spanish dictionary > materially

  • 16 Arnold, John

    SUBJECT AREA: Horology
    [br]
    b. 1735/6 Bodmin (?), Cornwall, England
    d. 25 August 1799 Eltham, London, England
    [br]
    English clock, watch, and chronometer maker who invented the isochronous helical balance spring and an improved form of detached detent escapement.
    [br]
    John Arnold was apprenticed to his father, a watchmaker, and then worked as an itinerant journeyman in the Low Countries and, later, in England. He settled in London in 1762 and rapidly established his reputation at Court by presenting George III with a miniature repeating watch mounted in a ring. He later abandoned the security of the Court for a more precarious living developing his chronometers, with some financial assistance from the Board of Longitude. Symbolically, in 1771 he moved from the vicinity of the Court at St James's to John Adam Street, which was close to the premises of the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures \& Commerce.
    By the time Arnold became interested in chronometry, Harrison had already demonstrated that longitude could be determined by means of a timekeeper, and the need was for a simpler instrument that could be sold at an affordable price for universal use at sea. Le Roy had shown that it was possible to dispense with a remontoire by using a detached escapement with an isochronous balance; Arnold was obviously thinking along the same lines, although he may not have been aware of Le Roy's work. By 1772 Arnold had developed his detached escapement, a pivoted detent which was quite different from that used on the European continent, and three years later he took out a patent for a compensation balance and a helical balance spring (Arnold used the spring in torsion and not in tension as Harrison had done). His compensation balance was similar in principle to that described by Le Roy and used riveted bimetallic strips to alter the radius of gyration of the balance by moving small weights radially. Although the helical balance spring was not completely isochronous it was a great improvement on the spiral spring, and in a later patent (1782) he showed how it could be made more truly isochronous by shaping the ends. In this form it was used universally in marine chronometers.
    Although Arnold's chronometers performed well, their long-term stability was less satisfactory because of the deterioration of the oil on the pivot of the detent. In his patent of 1782 he eliminated this defect by replacing the pivot with a spring, producing the spring detent escapement. This was also done independendy at about the same time by Berthoud and Earnshaw, although Earnshaw claimed vehemently that Arnold had plagiarized his work. Ironically it was Earnshaw's design that was finally adopted, although he had merely replaced Arnold's pivoted detent with a spring, while Arnold had completely redesigned the escapement. Earnshaw also improved the compensation balance by fusing the steel to the brass to form the bimetallic element, and it was in this form that it began to be used universally for chronometers and high-grade watches.
    As a result of the efforts of Arnold and Earnshaw, the marine chronometer emerged in what was essentially its final form by the end of the eighteenth century. The standardization of the design in England enabled it to be produced economically; whereas Larcum Kendall was paid £500 to copy Harrison's fourth timekeeper, Arnold was able to sell his chronometers for less than one-fifth of that amount. This combination of price and quality led to Britain's domination of the chronometer market during the nineteenth century.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    30 December 1775, "Timekeepers", British patent no. 1,113.
    2 May 1782, "A new escapement, and also a balance to compensate the effects arising from heat and cold in pocket chronometers, and for incurving the ends of the helical spring…", British patent no. 1,382.
    Further Reading
    R.T.Gould, 1923, The Marine Chronometer: Its History and Development, London; reprinted 1960, Holland Press (provides an overview).
    V.Mercer, 1972, John Arnold \& Son Chronometer Makers 1726–1843, London.
    DV

    Biographical history of technology > Arnold, John

  • 17 frustrate

    •• frustration, frustrate, frustrating

    •• Frustrate prevent somebody from doing something; prevent somebody’s plans from being carried out (A.S. Hornby).
    •• Кто-то неплохо сказал: странно, что в русском языке нет слова для описания этого чувства, ведь испытываешь его в России на каждом шагу. Добавлю: в том числе, когда приходится переводить английские предложения со словом frustration. Чем тут помочь? Профессиональные психологи не стали мучиться, а заимствовали это понятие; они говорят о фрустрации, фрустрированности. Переводчик не всегда может позволить себе такую роскошь – его просто не поймут (в прямом и переносном смысле). В зависимости от контекста frustration и frustrate (например, во фразе I get increasingly frustrated) можно переводить при помощи самых разных слов. Тут и отчаяние, и раздражение, и разочарование, и безвыходное положение, и досада, и озлобленность, и чувство безысходности, бессилия, и многое другое. Главное – проникнуться глубинной семантикой этого слова (ощущение невозможности что-либо сделать, чтобы изменить положение к лучшему), почувствовать его «внутренний образ». Может быть, для этого достаточно пожить месяц-другой в условиях нашего быта (или просто постоять в очереди на паспортный контроль в аэропорту).
    •• Несколько примеров:
    •• 1. [English] spelling and pronunciation are capricious and frustrating for non-native speakers (Time). Возможный перевод: ...невероятно трудны для иностранцев (приводят иностранцев в отчаянье);
    •• 2....the venom with which he was attacked may be attributed to their frustrated rage (J.H. Plumb). – ...возможно, был следствием их бессильной ярости;
    •• 3. Post-war Britain was a frustration to the advertising man (E.S. Turner). – В послевоенной Великобритании мастеров рекламы подстерегали сплошные разочарования;
    •• 4. Last August, Walter’s predecessor, Alex Mandl, resigned after a six-month tenure, similarly frustrated in his quest to become CEO (Time). – ...ушел в отставку, проработав на своем посту шесть месяцев, и тоже не сумев занять место первого руководителя;
    •• 5. Lippmann correctly foretold the frustrations of an essentially reactionary foreign policy based on containment (Henry Kissinger). В этом интересном примере frustrations можно перевести как тупики. В другом примере из того же автора перевод слова frustration облегчается глаголом, который «подсказывает» конкретизацию (конкретизация и генерализация – два великих помощника переводчика, особенно устного, и обращаться к их услугам надо тем смелее, чем меньше времени у вас на размышления): Nixon inherited a society rent by frustration. – Никсон унаследовал общество, раздираемое противоречиями.
    •• * Изучение бездонного в смысле переводческих проблем слова frustration может идти по двум линиям: во-первых, можно до бесконечности множить примеры контекстуального перевода, что по-своему поучительно. Во-вторых, можно попытаться выделить некое достаточно аморфное смысловое ядро, помогающее в поисках перевода, – при недостатке времени оно может выручить переводчика как компромиссный запасной вариант.
    •• Попытки выделить его глубинный смысл не всегда удачны. Так, например, автор замечательной колонки в газете Moscow Times Мишель Берди (Michele A. Berdy), рассуждая о том, почему это слово не имеет однозначного соответствия в русском языке, пишет:
    •• Here’s my theory: Frustration in the Western sense of irritation over relatively petty and minor annoyances doesn’t exist here [in Russia].
    •• Мне кажется, что такая трактовка этого слова подтверждается далеко не всегда.Вот лишь один пример, где frustration относится отнюдь не к мелким тяготам жизни:
    •• As the United Nations mourned its dead, including its respected chief Iraq representative, Sergio Vieira de Mello, Annan voiced frustration with the lack of security and the failure of the U.S.-led occupation powers to anticipate the dangers and hardships of Iraq after Saddam Hussein’s government fell. (Washington Post)
    •• Здесь frustration, конечно, не раздражение, а крайнее недовольство. Недовольство удачно характеризует реакцию субъекта и в следующих предложениях:
    •• Finally, it would bring to an end the ability of governments throughout the region to divert their peoples’ frustration about their own governing failures toward hatred of the United States for its unwillingness to move Israel. (Washington Post) - И, наконец, правительства стран региона уже не смогут переключать внимание своих народов, недовольных/возмущенных провалами их политики, на Соединенные Штаты, обвиняемые в нежелании надавить на Израиль.
    •• Mr. Wolfowitz, meanwhile, expressed frustration with reports on Iraq from Arab news media that he said had inflamed opinion against the American presence.
    •• Здесь – недовольство освещением иракской тематики в арабских СМИ.
    •• Часто хорошими контекстуальными вариантами могут стать слова, трудные для перевода c русского языка. К числу таких слов А. Шмелев в своей книге справедливо относит слово обида ( обидный). Мне кажется, оно хорошо подойдет в переводе следующей фразы из New York Times:
    •• An article yesterday on the frustrations of Hans Blix, the retiring chief weapons inspector for the United Nations, misstated his age.
    •• Есть, по-моему, в этой фразе щепотка иронии, и перевод вчерашняя статья об обидах Ханса Бликса... может быть воспринят таким же образом.
    •• А вот переводческая задачка, связанная со словом frustratingly:
    •• Mr Blair said that the parties to the Northern Ireland political process were frustratingly closeto an agreement but had yet to finalise a deal. (BBC)
    •• Мне кажется, что здесь напрашивается перевод до обидного близки к договоренности. Здесь опять-таки тот случай – кстати, не такой уж редкий, – когда труднопереводимое слово одного языка удачно подходит для перевода трудного, хотя по своему содержанию на первый взгляд довольно далекого от него слова из другого языка. Это еще одно подтверждение того, что в словарях, претендующих на полноту и ориентированных на переводчиков, наречия должны в ряде случаев рассматриваться отдельно (см. также слово historically).
    •• Забавное слово, которое, возможно, является выражением крайней степени «frustration по-русски» встретилось в одном из интервью М.С. Горбачева: Ярость, бедность, осточертелость выплеснутся.
    •• Подробнее о втором направлении поисков, на мой взгляд более интересном и плодотворном. У меня создается впечатление, что в последнее время условным смысловым ядром слова frustration (frustrating, to frustrate) можно считать понятие деморализации и близкое к нему ощущение тупика. Вот пара свежих примеров. Первый – из выступления в ООН:
    •• Where there are gaps in the criminal justice chain, the work of the police could be incomplete and frustrating.
    •• Выбор у переводчика большой, да только все варианты длинные (например, ...в работе полиции возникают изъяны, чреватые морально-психологическими последствиями/подрывом морального духа личного состава или, несколько короче, ...работа полиции может давать сбои и казаться безрезультатной/тщетной). Но, наверное, в устном переводе возможно и такое решение («палочка-выручалочка»): ...опасность сбоев и деморализации.
    •• Другой пример, из New York Times:
    •• While some Iranians still believe in their theocracy, the majority want a sweeping transformation. They do not want to be told what to think, what to wear, what to read, what to watch and how to behave, and they are frustrated by the glacial pace of change.
    •• Опять-таки выбор переводческих решений достаточно велик, но вариант «навскидку»...они деморализованы крайне медленными темпами перемен – пожалуй, не худший из возможных.
    •• В статье в New York Times об американских военнослужащих в Ираке читаем:
    •• Our exhausted and frustrated soldiers are in a hideously difficult environment they’re not familiar with, dealing with a culture America only dimly understands.
    •• Пожалуй, лучший вариант по-русски:
    •• Наши измотанные и деморализованные солдаты...
    •• Одна из возможных стратегий перевода слова frustration – перенос акцента с эмоционального состояния человека на причину или результат этого состояния. Например, когда человек is frustrated, то он обычно – что вполне естественно – крайне недоволен этим. Поэтому фраза из статьи в Washington Post:
    •• Part of it stemmed from his frustration with the culture of the White House
    •• вполне может быть переведена как
    •• Отчасти это было связано с его крайним недовольством порядками, царящими в Белом доме.
    •• Тот же прием буквально напрашивается и в следующем примере из статьи в New York Times о сериале Sex and the City:
    •• Last season found the fantastic foursome mired in the realities of motherhood, career frustration and heartbreak.
    •• По-русски проще всего – и вполне верно – сказать карьерные неудачи. Вместо описания состояния – его причина. В «Моем несистематическом словаре» я писал, что русское слово неудача часто бывает несколько мягче английского failure. Поэтому frustration = неудача – довольно закономерное контекстуальное соответствие.
    •• Надо, однако, согласиться, что часто это слово выражает состояние, гораздо менее сильное, чем предполагают такие русские слова, как отчаяние или безысходность (соответствия, приводимые во многих словарях). Вот фрагмент рецензии из газеты Chicago Tribune на фильм режиссера Эндрю Джареки Capturing the Friedmans:
    •• One former student describing Arnold’s basement sessions as nothing more than a boring computer class is followed by the lead investigator characterizing them as afree-for-all.At first this lack of resolution is frustrating, like Jaracki owes it to us to solve this case in a way that investigators and journalists couldn’t.
    •• Здесь, наверное, можно сказать отсутствие вывода/сохранение неопределенности приводит зрителя в замешательство (неплохо также ставит в тупик или вызывает раздражение).
    •• Наконец, иногда слова этого корня приходится переосмысливать полностью. Так, в начале истории с ЮКОСом в журнале Time появилась следующая характеристика поведения российского президента: Mr. Putin has remained frustratingly silent. Конечно, можно сказать к досаде..., Путин сохраняет молчание – но к чьей «досаде»? Журналистов, наблюдателей, публики? Или «ко всеобщей досаде»? Все это будет домысливанием. Так что лучше, наверное, сказать что-то вроде сохраняет загадочное/непроницаемое молчание.

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > frustrate

  • 18 frustrating

    •• frustration, frustrate, frustrating

    •• Frustrate prevent somebody from doing something; prevent somebody’s plans from being carried out (A.S. Hornby).
    •• Кто-то неплохо сказал: странно, что в русском языке нет слова для описания этого чувства, ведь испытываешь его в России на каждом шагу. Добавлю: в том числе, когда приходится переводить английские предложения со словом frustration. Чем тут помочь? Профессиональные психологи не стали мучиться, а заимствовали это понятие; они говорят о фрустрации, фрустрированности. Переводчик не всегда может позволить себе такую роскошь – его просто не поймут (в прямом и переносном смысле). В зависимости от контекста frustration и frustrate (например, во фразе I get increasingly frustrated) можно переводить при помощи самых разных слов. Тут и отчаяние, и раздражение, и разочарование, и безвыходное положение, и досада, и озлобленность, и чувство безысходности, бессилия, и многое другое. Главное – проникнуться глубинной семантикой этого слова (ощущение невозможности что-либо сделать, чтобы изменить положение к лучшему), почувствовать его «внутренний образ». Может быть, для этого достаточно пожить месяц-другой в условиях нашего быта (или просто постоять в очереди на паспортный контроль в аэропорту).
    •• Несколько примеров:
    •• 1. [English] spelling and pronunciation are capricious and frustrating for non-native speakers (Time). Возможный перевод: ...невероятно трудны для иностранцев (приводят иностранцев в отчаянье);
    •• 2....the venom with which he was attacked may be attributed to their frustrated rage (J.H. Plumb). – ...возможно, был следствием их бессильной ярости;
    •• 3. Post-war Britain was a frustration to the advertising man (E.S. Turner). – В послевоенной Великобритании мастеров рекламы подстерегали сплошные разочарования;
    •• 4. Last August, Walter’s predecessor, Alex Mandl, resigned after a six-month tenure, similarly frustrated in his quest to become CEO (Time). – ...ушел в отставку, проработав на своем посту шесть месяцев, и тоже не сумев занять место первого руководителя;
    •• 5. Lippmann correctly foretold the frustrations of an essentially reactionary foreign policy based on containment (Henry Kissinger). В этом интересном примере frustrations можно перевести как тупики. В другом примере из того же автора перевод слова frustration облегчается глаголом, который «подсказывает» конкретизацию (конкретизация и генерализация – два великих помощника переводчика, особенно устного, и обращаться к их услугам надо тем смелее, чем меньше времени у вас на размышления): Nixon inherited a society rent by frustration. – Никсон унаследовал общество, раздираемое противоречиями.
    •• * Изучение бездонного в смысле переводческих проблем слова frustration может идти по двум линиям: во-первых, можно до бесконечности множить примеры контекстуального перевода, что по-своему поучительно. Во-вторых, можно попытаться выделить некое достаточно аморфное смысловое ядро, помогающее в поисках перевода, – при недостатке времени оно может выручить переводчика как компромиссный запасной вариант.
    •• Попытки выделить его глубинный смысл не всегда удачны. Так, например, автор замечательной колонки в газете Moscow Times Мишель Берди (Michele A. Berdy), рассуждая о том, почему это слово не имеет однозначного соответствия в русском языке, пишет:
    •• Here’s my theory: Frustration in the Western sense of irritation over relatively petty and minor annoyances doesn’t exist here [in Russia].
    •• Мне кажется, что такая трактовка этого слова подтверждается далеко не всегда.Вот лишь один пример, где frustration относится отнюдь не к мелким тяготам жизни:
    •• As the United Nations mourned its dead, including its respected chief Iraq representative, Sergio Vieira de Mello, Annan voiced frustration with the lack of security and the failure of the U.S.-led occupation powers to anticipate the dangers and hardships of Iraq after Saddam Hussein’s government fell. (Washington Post)
    •• Здесь frustration, конечно, не раздражение, а крайнее недовольство. Недовольство удачно характеризует реакцию субъекта и в следующих предложениях:
    •• Finally, it would bring to an end the ability of governments throughout the region to divert their peoples’ frustration about their own governing failures toward hatred of the United States for its unwillingness to move Israel. (Washington Post) - И, наконец, правительства стран региона уже не смогут переключать внимание своих народов, недовольных/возмущенных провалами их политики, на Соединенные Штаты, обвиняемые в нежелании надавить на Израиль.
    •• Mr. Wolfowitz, meanwhile, expressed frustration with reports on Iraq from Arab news media that he said had inflamed opinion against the American presence.
    •• Здесь – недовольство освещением иракской тематики в арабских СМИ.
    •• Часто хорошими контекстуальными вариантами могут стать слова, трудные для перевода c русского языка. К числу таких слов А. Шмелев в своей книге справедливо относит слово обида ( обидный). Мне кажется, оно хорошо подойдет в переводе следующей фразы из New York Times:
    •• An article yesterday on the frustrations of Hans Blix, the retiring chief weapons inspector for the United Nations, misstated his age.
    •• Есть, по-моему, в этой фразе щепотка иронии, и перевод вчерашняя статья об обидах Ханса Бликса... может быть воспринят таким же образом.
    •• А вот переводческая задачка, связанная со словом frustratingly:
    •• Mr Blair said that the parties to the Northern Ireland political process were frustratingly closeto an agreement but had yet to finalise a deal. (BBC)
    •• Мне кажется, что здесь напрашивается перевод до обидного близки к договоренности. Здесь опять-таки тот случай – кстати, не такой уж редкий, – когда труднопереводимое слово одного языка удачно подходит для перевода трудного, хотя по своему содержанию на первый взгляд довольно далекого от него слова из другого языка. Это еще одно подтверждение того, что в словарях, претендующих на полноту и ориентированных на переводчиков, наречия должны в ряде случаев рассматриваться отдельно (см. также слово historically).
    •• Забавное слово, которое, возможно, является выражением крайней степени «frustration по-русски» встретилось в одном из интервью М.С. Горбачева: Ярость, бедность, осточертелость выплеснутся.
    •• Подробнее о втором направлении поисков, на мой взгляд более интересном и плодотворном. У меня создается впечатление, что в последнее время условным смысловым ядром слова frustration (frustrating, to frustrate) можно считать понятие деморализации и близкое к нему ощущение тупика. Вот пара свежих примеров. Первый – из выступления в ООН:
    •• Where there are gaps in the criminal justice chain, the work of the police could be incomplete and frustrating.
    •• Выбор у переводчика большой, да только все варианты длинные (например, ...в работе полиции возникают изъяны, чреватые морально-психологическими последствиями/подрывом морального духа личного состава или, несколько короче, ...работа полиции может давать сбои и казаться безрезультатной/тщетной). Но, наверное, в устном переводе возможно и такое решение («палочка-выручалочка»): ...опасность сбоев и деморализации.
    •• Другой пример, из New York Times:
    •• While some Iranians still believe in their theocracy, the majority want a sweeping transformation. They do not want to be told what to think, what to wear, what to read, what to watch and how to behave, and they are frustrated by the glacial pace of change.
    •• Опять-таки выбор переводческих решений достаточно велик, но вариант «навскидку»...они деморализованы крайне медленными темпами перемен – пожалуй, не худший из возможных.
    •• В статье в New York Times об американских военнослужащих в Ираке читаем:
    •• Our exhausted and frustrated soldiers are in a hideously difficult environment they’re not familiar with, dealing with a culture America only dimly understands.
    •• Пожалуй, лучший вариант по-русски:
    •• Наши измотанные и деморализованные солдаты...
    •• Одна из возможных стратегий перевода слова frustration – перенос акцента с эмоционального состояния человека на причину или результат этого состояния. Например, когда человек is frustrated, то он обычно – что вполне естественно – крайне недоволен этим. Поэтому фраза из статьи в Washington Post:
    •• Part of it stemmed from his frustration with the culture of the White House
    •• вполне может быть переведена как
    •• Отчасти это было связано с его крайним недовольством порядками, царящими в Белом доме.
    •• Тот же прием буквально напрашивается и в следующем примере из статьи в New York Times о сериале Sex and the City:
    •• Last season found the fantastic foursome mired in the realities of motherhood, career frustration and heartbreak.
    •• По-русски проще всего – и вполне верно – сказать карьерные неудачи. Вместо описания состояния – его причина. В «Моем несистематическом словаре» я писал, что русское слово неудача часто бывает несколько мягче английского failure. Поэтому frustration = неудача – довольно закономерное контекстуальное соответствие.
    •• Надо, однако, согласиться, что часто это слово выражает состояние, гораздо менее сильное, чем предполагают такие русские слова, как отчаяние или безысходность (соответствия, приводимые во многих словарях). Вот фрагмент рецензии из газеты Chicago Tribune на фильм режиссера Эндрю Джареки Capturing the Friedmans:
    •• One former student describing Arnold’s basement sessions as nothing more than a boring computer class is followed by the lead investigator characterizing them as afree-for-all.At first this lack of resolution is frustrating, like Jaracki owes it to us to solve this case in a way that investigators and journalists couldn’t.
    •• Здесь, наверное, можно сказать отсутствие вывода/сохранение неопределенности приводит зрителя в замешательство (неплохо также ставит в тупик или вызывает раздражение).
    •• Наконец, иногда слова этого корня приходится переосмысливать полностью. Так, в начале истории с ЮКОСом в журнале Time появилась следующая характеристика поведения российского президента: Mr. Putin has remained frustratingly silent. Конечно, можно сказать к досаде..., Путин сохраняет молчание – но к чьей «досаде»? Журналистов, наблюдателей, публики? Или «ко всеобщей досаде»? Все это будет домысливанием. Так что лучше, наверное, сказать что-то вроде сохраняет загадочное/непроницаемое молчание.

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > frustrating

  • 19 frustration

    •• frustration, frustrate, frustrating

    •• Frustrate prevent somebody from doing something; prevent somebody’s plans from being carried out (A.S. Hornby).
    •• Кто-то неплохо сказал: странно, что в русском языке нет слова для описания этого чувства, ведь испытываешь его в России на каждом шагу. Добавлю: в том числе, когда приходится переводить английские предложения со словом frustration. Чем тут помочь? Профессиональные психологи не стали мучиться, а заимствовали это понятие; они говорят о фрустрации, фрустрированности. Переводчик не всегда может позволить себе такую роскошь – его просто не поймут (в прямом и переносном смысле). В зависимости от контекста frustration и frustrate (например, во фразе I get increasingly frustrated) можно переводить при помощи самых разных слов. Тут и отчаяние, и раздражение, и разочарование, и безвыходное положение, и досада, и озлобленность, и чувство безысходности, бессилия, и многое другое. Главное – проникнуться глубинной семантикой этого слова (ощущение невозможности что-либо сделать, чтобы изменить положение к лучшему), почувствовать его «внутренний образ». Может быть, для этого достаточно пожить месяц-другой в условиях нашего быта (или просто постоять в очереди на паспортный контроль в аэропорту).
    •• Несколько примеров:
    •• 1. [English] spelling and pronunciation are capricious and frustrating for non-native speakers (Time). Возможный перевод: ...невероятно трудны для иностранцев (приводят иностранцев в отчаянье);
    •• 2....the venom with which he was attacked may be attributed to their frustrated rage (J.H. Plumb). – ...возможно, был следствием их бессильной ярости;
    •• 3. Post-war Britain was a frustration to the advertising man (E.S. Turner). – В послевоенной Великобритании мастеров рекламы подстерегали сплошные разочарования;
    •• 4. Last August, Walter’s predecessor, Alex Mandl, resigned after a six-month tenure, similarly frustrated in his quest to become CEO (Time). – ...ушел в отставку, проработав на своем посту шесть месяцев, и тоже не сумев занять место первого руководителя;
    •• 5. Lippmann correctly foretold the frustrations of an essentially reactionary foreign policy based on containment (Henry Kissinger). В этом интересном примере frustrations можно перевести как тупики. В другом примере из того же автора перевод слова frustration облегчается глаголом, который «подсказывает» конкретизацию (конкретизация и генерализация – два великих помощника переводчика, особенно устного, и обращаться к их услугам надо тем смелее, чем меньше времени у вас на размышления): Nixon inherited a society rent by frustration. – Никсон унаследовал общество, раздираемое противоречиями.
    •• * Изучение бездонного в смысле переводческих проблем слова frustration может идти по двум линиям: во-первых, можно до бесконечности множить примеры контекстуального перевода, что по-своему поучительно. Во-вторых, можно попытаться выделить некое достаточно аморфное смысловое ядро, помогающее в поисках перевода, – при недостатке времени оно может выручить переводчика как компромиссный запасной вариант.
    •• Попытки выделить его глубинный смысл не всегда удачны. Так, например, автор замечательной колонки в газете Moscow Times Мишель Берди (Michele A. Berdy), рассуждая о том, почему это слово не имеет однозначного соответствия в русском языке, пишет:
    •• Here’s my theory: Frustration in the Western sense of irritation over relatively petty and minor annoyances doesn’t exist here [in Russia].
    •• Мне кажется, что такая трактовка этого слова подтверждается далеко не всегда.Вот лишь один пример, где frustration относится отнюдь не к мелким тяготам жизни:
    •• As the United Nations mourned its dead, including its respected chief Iraq representative, Sergio Vieira de Mello, Annan voiced frustration with the lack of security and the failure of the U.S.-led occupation powers to anticipate the dangers and hardships of Iraq after Saddam Hussein’s government fell. (Washington Post)
    •• Здесь frustration, конечно, не раздражение, а крайнее недовольство. Недовольство удачно характеризует реакцию субъекта и в следующих предложениях:
    •• Finally, it would bring to an end the ability of governments throughout the region to divert their peoples’ frustration about their own governing failures toward hatred of the United States for its unwillingness to move Israel. (Washington Post) - И, наконец, правительства стран региона уже не смогут переключать внимание своих народов, недовольных/возмущенных провалами их политики, на Соединенные Штаты, обвиняемые в нежелании надавить на Израиль.
    •• Mr. Wolfowitz, meanwhile, expressed frustration with reports on Iraq from Arab news media that he said had inflamed opinion against the American presence.
    •• Здесь – недовольство освещением иракской тематики в арабских СМИ.
    •• Часто хорошими контекстуальными вариантами могут стать слова, трудные для перевода c русского языка. К числу таких слов А. Шмелев в своей книге справедливо относит слово обида ( обидный). Мне кажется, оно хорошо подойдет в переводе следующей фразы из New York Times:
    •• An article yesterday on the frustrations of Hans Blix, the retiring chief weapons inspector for the United Nations, misstated his age.
    •• Есть, по-моему, в этой фразе щепотка иронии, и перевод вчерашняя статья об обидах Ханса Бликса... может быть воспринят таким же образом.
    •• А вот переводческая задачка, связанная со словом frustratingly:
    •• Mr Blair said that the parties to the Northern Ireland political process were frustratingly closeto an agreement but had yet to finalise a deal. (BBC)
    •• Мне кажется, что здесь напрашивается перевод до обидного близки к договоренности. Здесь опять-таки тот случай – кстати, не такой уж редкий, – когда труднопереводимое слово одного языка удачно подходит для перевода трудного, хотя по своему содержанию на первый взгляд довольно далекого от него слова из другого языка. Это еще одно подтверждение того, что в словарях, претендующих на полноту и ориентированных на переводчиков, наречия должны в ряде случаев рассматриваться отдельно (см. также слово historically).
    •• Забавное слово, которое, возможно, является выражением крайней степени «frustration по-русски» встретилось в одном из интервью М.С. Горбачева: Ярость, бедность, осточертелость выплеснутся.
    •• Подробнее о втором направлении поисков, на мой взгляд более интересном и плодотворном. У меня создается впечатление, что в последнее время условным смысловым ядром слова frustration (frustrating, to frustrate) можно считать понятие деморализации и близкое к нему ощущение тупика. Вот пара свежих примеров. Первый – из выступления в ООН:
    •• Where there are gaps in the criminal justice chain, the work of the police could be incomplete and frustrating.
    •• Выбор у переводчика большой, да только все варианты длинные (например, ...в работе полиции возникают изъяны, чреватые морально-психологическими последствиями/подрывом морального духа личного состава или, несколько короче, ...работа полиции может давать сбои и казаться безрезультатной/тщетной). Но, наверное, в устном переводе возможно и такое решение («палочка-выручалочка»): ...опасность сбоев и деморализации.
    •• Другой пример, из New York Times:
    •• While some Iranians still believe in their theocracy, the majority want a sweeping transformation. They do not want to be told what to think, what to wear, what to read, what to watch and how to behave, and they are frustrated by the glacial pace of change.
    •• Опять-таки выбор переводческих решений достаточно велик, но вариант «навскидку»...они деморализованы крайне медленными темпами перемен – пожалуй, не худший из возможных.
    •• В статье в New York Times об американских военнослужащих в Ираке читаем:
    •• Our exhausted and frustrated soldiers are in a hideously difficult environment they’re not familiar with, dealing with a culture America only dimly understands.
    •• Пожалуй, лучший вариант по-русски:
    •• Наши измотанные и деморализованные солдаты...
    •• Одна из возможных стратегий перевода слова frustration – перенос акцента с эмоционального состояния человека на причину или результат этого состояния. Например, когда человек is frustrated, то он обычно – что вполне естественно – крайне недоволен этим. Поэтому фраза из статьи в Washington Post:
    •• Part of it stemmed from his frustration with the culture of the White House
    •• вполне может быть переведена как
    •• Отчасти это было связано с его крайним недовольством порядками, царящими в Белом доме.
    •• Тот же прием буквально напрашивается и в следующем примере из статьи в New York Times о сериале Sex and the City:
    •• Last season found the fantastic foursome mired in the realities of motherhood, career frustration and heartbreak.
    •• По-русски проще всего – и вполне верно – сказать карьерные неудачи. Вместо описания состояния – его причина. В «Моем несистематическом словаре» я писал, что русское слово неудача часто бывает несколько мягче английского failure. Поэтому frustration = неудача – довольно закономерное контекстуальное соответствие.
    •• Надо, однако, согласиться, что часто это слово выражает состояние, гораздо менее сильное, чем предполагают такие русские слова, как отчаяние или безысходность (соответствия, приводимые во многих словарях). Вот фрагмент рецензии из газеты Chicago Tribune на фильм режиссера Эндрю Джареки Capturing the Friedmans:
    •• One former student describing Arnold’s basement sessions as nothing more than a boring computer class is followed by the lead investigator characterizing them as afree-for-all.At first this lack of resolution is frustrating, like Jaracki owes it to us to solve this case in a way that investigators and journalists couldn’t.
    •• Здесь, наверное, можно сказать отсутствие вывода/сохранение неопределенности приводит зрителя в замешательство (неплохо также ставит в тупик или вызывает раздражение).
    •• Наконец, иногда слова этого корня приходится переосмысливать полностью. Так, в начале истории с ЮКОСом в журнале Time появилась следующая характеристика поведения российского президента: Mr. Putin has remained frustratingly silent. Конечно, можно сказать к досаде..., Путин сохраняет молчание – но к чьей «досаде»? Журналистов, наблюдателей, публики? Или «ко всеобщей досаде»? Все это будет домысливанием. Так что лучше, наверное, сказать что-то вроде сохраняет загадочное/непроницаемое молчание.

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > frustration

  • 20 Menzies, Michael

    [br]
    b. end of the seventeenth century Lanarkshire, Scotland (?)
    d. 13 December 1766 Edinburgh, Scotland
    [br]
    Scottish inventor and lawyer.
    [br]
    Menzies was admitted as a member of the Faculty of Advocates on 31 January 1719. It is evident from his applications for patents that he was more concerned with inventions than the law, however. He took out his first patent in 1734 for a threshing machine in which a number of flails were attached to a horizontal axis, which was moved rapidly forwards and backwards through half a revolution, essentially imitating the action of an ordinary flail. The grain to be threshed was placed on either side.
    Though not a practical success, Menzies's invention seems to have been the first for the mechanical threshing of grain. His idea of imitating non-mechanized action also influenced his invention of a coal cutter, for which he took out a patent in 1761 and which copied miners' tools for obtaining coal. He proposed to carry heavy chains down the pit so that they could be used to give motion to iron picks, saws or other chains with cutting implements. The chains could be set into motion by a steam-engine, by water-or windmills, or by horses gins. Although it is quite obvious that this apparatus could not work, Menzies was the first to have thought of mechanizing coal production in the style that was in use in the late twentieth century. Subsequent to Menzies's proposal, many inventors at varying intervals followed this direction until the problem was finally solved one century later by, among others, W.E. Garforth.
    Menzies had successfully used the power of a steam-engine on the Wear eight years beforehand, when he obtained a patent for raising coal. According to his device a descending bucket filled with water raised a basket of coals, while a steam-engine pumped the water back to the surface; the balance-tub system, in various forms, quickly spread to other coalfields. Menzies's patent from 1750 for improved methods of carrying the coals from the coalface to the pit-shaft had also been of considerable influence: this device employed self-acting inclined planes, whereon the descending loaded wagons hauled up the empty ones.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    The article entitled "Michael Menzies" in the Dictionary of National Biography neglects Menzies's inventions for mining. A comprehensive evaluation of his influence on coal cutting is given in the introductory chapter of S.F.Walker, 1902, Coal-Cutting by
    Machinery, London.
    WK

    Biographical history of technology > Menzies, Michael

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